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Nicaraguans in Operation Miracle
Havana -- A press dispatch by the Prensa Latina Agency informs that 100 Nicaraguans with eye
diseases will be operated in Venezuela as part of Operation Miracle.
The miracle of this
operation promoted by the Venezuelan and Cuban governments is to give
ophthalmologic services, free of charge, to Latin Americans. Recently, U.S. citizens who cannot afford
treatment in their country have been included in the plan.
The first Nicaraguans with
cataracts were diagnosed at the Nicaraguan capital’s National Ophthalmologic Center. According to the Center, at least
18,000 Nicaraguans are in need of some kind of eye surgery.
Operation Miracle has
set a goal of six million patients operated over a period of 10 years, of which
3 million will be treated in Venezuela and the rest in Cuba.
§
Venezuela: Despite U.S. efforts, the Venezuelan leader is
winning friends across Latin America.
Derived from an article by Mark Weisbrot
Co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington
IT WAS YET ANOTHER public relations coup for Venezuela: Vila Isabel, the samba club
sponsored mainly by the Venezuelan government, won the parade competition in Rio de Janeiro's Carnaval
last week. A float with a giant likeness of Simon Bolivar, combined with
thousands of ornately costumed participants parading down the avenue, trumpeted
the winning theme: Latin American unity.
U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice just last month called for "a united
front" against Venezuela, continuing a long-term policy of
trying to isolate the country. But Washington has been spitting into the wind. Venezuela's influence in the hemisphere has
continued to rise while the U.S. has succeeded only in isolating itself
more than at any time in at least half a century. It might be worth asking why.
First, Venezuela is a democracy — despite the best
efforts of the Bush team to use President Hugo Chavez's close
relations with Cuba's Fidel Castro as evidence to the
contrary. Its elections are transparent and have been certified by observers
from the Organization of American States, the Carter Center and the European Union. Freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly and of association
prevail, at least as compared with the rest of the hemisphere.
Most of the media remains controlled by the opposition, which attacks the
government endlessly on all the major TV channels. It is the most vigorous and
partisan opposition media in the hemisphere, one that has not been censored
under Chavez.
Like all of Latin
America, Venezuela has governance problems: a weak
state, limited rule of law, corruption and incompetent government. But no
reputable human rights organization has alleged that Venezuela under Chavez has deteriorated with
regard to civil liberties, human rights or democracy, as compared with prior
governments. Nor does the country compare unfavorably on these criteria with
its neighbors in the region. In Peru, the government has shut down
opposition TV stations; in Colombia, union organizers are murdered with
impunity.
From a Latin American point of view, Venezuelans should have the right to
choose their own president — even one who sometimes insults the American
president — without interference from the United States. And Chavez's anger at Washington, from Latin Americans' point of
view, appears justified. U.S. government documents released under
our Freedom of Information Act indicate that Washington not only supported but was involved
in the military coup that temporarily overthrew Venezuela's elected government in April 2002.
Here in Washington, there is a "Monty Python" attitude toward the
coup: "Let's not argue about who killed
who." But in Latin America, a military coup against a democratically elected
government is still considered a serious crime. To top it off, Washington continued to finance efforts to
recall Chavez and, having failed miserably, still regularly presents him as a
threat to democracy in the region.
With oil at nearly $60 a barrel, Venezuela has used its windfall proceeds to
win friends in the hemisphere, providing low-cost financing for oil to Caribbean nations. When Argentina needed loans so that it could say
goodbye to the International Monetary Fund, Venezuela committed $2.4 billion. Venezuela bought $300 million in bonds from Ecuador. Washington has historically had enormous
influence over economic policy in Latin America through its control over the major
sources of credit, including the IMF, the World Bank and the Inter-American
Development Bank. Venezuela's role as a new "lender of
last resort" has reduced that influence.
Chavez's opposition to the "Washington consensus" on economic policy
has fallen on sympathetic ears in a region that — since 1980 — has suffered its
worst long-term economic failure in a century. Over the last 25 years, income
per person in Latin
America
has grown by a meager 10%, according to the IMF. This compares with 82% from
1960 to 1980, before most of Washington's economic reforms were adopted.
And Venezuela's government has kept its promise
to share the oil wealth with the poor. The majority of the country now has
access to free healthcare and subsidized food, and education spending has
increased substantially.
Meanwhile in the U.S., while Vila Isabel was winning the
Rio Carnaval, Connecticut became the eighth American state to
participate in the program by which Citgo Petroleum
Corp. provides discounted heating oil for poor people. Citgo
is owned by the Venezuelan government. In the contest for the hearts and minds
of the hemisphere, Venezuela is clearly winning.
The
Chickasaw Plum
- Volume V - Number 1 - January
2008
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